That the USSR played the 
					major role in the defeat of Nazi Germany is a claim often heard. And it’s true enough that the German Army’s 
					losses on the Eastern Front were extremely heavy and 
					ultimately catastrophic. But the Red Army’s victory was 
					powerfully assisted—in fact made possible—by America and 
					Britain. But for the Grand Alliance (as Winston Churchill 
					called it) with the United States and the United Kingdom it 
					is probable, indeed, that the Soviet Union would have gone 
					down to defeat.
					
					Not that the USSR expressed 
					appreciation for this—rather the reverse. During the war, 
					the Stalin regime treated its allies with unrelenting 
					suspicion and distrust, and its own war aims were entirely 
					selfish. Failure to meet the USSR’s maximum aid demands was 
					denounced as one more example of capitalist duplicity. As the 
					regime told it, American and British aid was tendered 
					grudgingly and tardily—there being many in the “ruling 
					circles of the imperialist powers” who wished to see Germany 
					and the USSR fight it out to the point of mutual exhaustion. 
					The supposed reluctance of the US and the UK to establish a 
					Second Front was trumpeted as proof of this sinister 
					conspiracy.
					
					After the war the USSR and later 
					Russia consistently minimized the significance of the 
					alliance, claiming that it played a decidedly secondary role 
					in the defeat of Nazi Germany. This was a legend flattering 
					to the Worker’s Paradise and the Russian Motherland alike—a 
					continuation of the two-pronged propaganda line adopted by 
					the regime during the war. Stalin and his successors viewed 
					the Great Patriotic War for the Motherland (to give it its 
					official title in Soviet historiography) as proof for the 
					ages of the superiority of “scientific socialism.” But there 
					was less—much less—to this pleasing formulation than met the 
					eye.
					
					The assistance provided to the USSR 
					by the Western Allies fell into two categories: direct and 
					indirect. The former consisted of material aid provided to 
					the USSR via Lend-Lease; the latter was embodied in the 
					Western Allies’ actual war effort.  While the USSR fought a 
					straightforward one-front land war, the Western Allies 
					engaged in a complex three-dimensional global conflict: The 
					Battle of the Atlantic; the campaigns in North Africa, 
					Sicily, Italy and northwest Europe; the combined strategic 
					air offensive; the war in the Pacific and East Asia. 
					Together, this direct and indirect aid provided the Soviet 
					state with its margin of victory.
 
					
					
					
					11 March 1941: President 
					Roosevelt signs the Lend-Lease Act (History Central)
					
					Direct material aid from the 
					Western allies flowed to the USSR on a scale that few people 
					realize today. Consider the following list — a very partial 
					list — of the materials provided by the US alone:
					
						
						Over 400,000 trucks and jeeps, plus 
					more than 35,000 motorcycles. By 1945 almost 40% of the 
					trucks in service with the Red Army were US models and these 
					were far superior in performance and reliability to their 
					Soviet-built equivalents. Virtually the entire production of 
					the Studebaker truck factory in South Bend, Indiana, went to 
					the USSR. In fact, about 100,000 more trucks were provided 
					via Lend-Lease than were produced domestically in the USSR 
					between 1941 and 1945
						
						Some 12,000 armored vehicles of 
					various types: tanks, armored cars and armored halftracks. 
					More than 4,000 M4 Sherman medium tanks were delivered and 
					some Red Army tank brigades were equipped exclusively with 
					the type. The Red Army used the M3 armored scout car (3,310 
					delivered) to motorize the submachine gun companies of its 
					Guards tank brigades. Many of the Red Army’s mechanized 
					reconnaissance units had US M3 armored halftracks in place 
					of Soviet-built armored cars
						
						11,400 aircraft including 2,097 
						P-40 fighters 4,746 P-39 fighters, 2,400 P-63 fighters 
						and 2,908 A-20 twin-engine light bombers
						
						1,900 steam locomotives and 65 
						diesel locomotives plus more than 10,000 railroad cars 
						of various types
						
						1 million miles of field 
						telephone cable
						
						82 million pounds of barbed 
						wire
						
						Over 2.5 million tons of 
						petroleum products.
						
						500 million pounds of aluminum. 
						Almost all the aluminum used in Soviet wartime aircraft 
						production came from the US
						
						430 million tons of steel bars
						
						5 million pairs of military 
						footwear
						
						4.5 million tons of foodstuffs 
						including 14 million pounds of canned beef, 300 million 
						pounds of canned pork, 243 million pounds of dried eggs, 
						160 million pounds of dried milk, 130 million pounds of 
						milled rice, 500 million pounds of dried beans and 1.5 
						million bushels of wheat
 
					
					
					
					
					September 1944, Ladd Field, Alaska: US and 
					Soviet officers with the 5,000th Lend-Lease aircraft for the 
					USSR, a P-63A Kingcobra (National Park Service)
					
					Besides all this US aid the Soviet 
					Union received considerable assistance from the UK, 
					including 7,000 aircraft of various types, over 5,000 tanks, 
					over 5,000 antitank guns, over 4,000 trucks and 27 naval 
					vessels including a battleship.
					
					Lend-Lease benefited the USSR’s war 
					effort in many ways. For example, the military vehicles 
					provided via Lend-Lease made it possible for Soviet industry 
					to concentrate on production of tanks, self-propelled 
					assault guns and artillery. They also enabled the Red Army 
					fully to motorize its artillery units and the infantry units 
					of its armored formations, and to move supplies much more 
					rapidly. In their absence, the mobility and combat power 
					of the Red Army as a whole would have been measurably lower.
					
					But even more significant—though 
					perhaps less immediately obvious—was the value to the USSR 
					of the Western Allies’ own military effort.
					
					From the beginning of the 
					Nazi-Soviet War, Hitler was distracted by events elsewhere. 
					In June 1941, with the United States not yet engaged, such 
					distractions were minor. The fighting in North Africa and 
					the Battle of the Atlantic seemed by comparison with the 
					Eastern Front to be sideshows, while the British strategic 
					bombing offensive against Germany had so far failed to 
					produce results. But as the months passed and the US entered 
					the war, events in distant theaters exercised a growing—for 
					the Germans baneful—influence on the Eastern Front.
					
					The Battle of El Alamein (23 
					October-11 November 1942), the Allied invasion of North 
					Africa (Operation TORCH, 8-16 November 1942) and the 
					subsequent Tunisian campaign (November 1942-May 1943) 
					induced Hitler to divert major reinforcements from the 
					Eastern Front to North Africa in an attempt to succor 
					Rommel’s Afrika Korps and bolster up the Italians. 
					But in the end Tunisia was lost, with 230,000 German and 
					Italian troops taken prisoner. This defeat, coming on the 
					heels of the Stalingrad debacle, undermined the German 
					position on the Eastern Front in two ways. First, it 
					intensified the manpower crisis already affecting the German 
					Army. Second, it raised a direct threat to Italy, forcing 
					the Germans to divert even more forces to the Mediterranean 
					theater. Third, it subtracted Italy from the list of 
					Germany’s Eastern Front allies. All this worked greatly to 
					the advantage of the USSR.
			 
					
					
					
					Light cruiser USS Savannah just 
					after she was struck by a German guided bomb off Salerno 
					(Italy) during Operation AVALANCHE (Navy Department)
					
					But though El Alamein, Tunisia and 
					Stalingrad were serious reverses—and to some extent marked 
					the war’s psychological turning point—the German Army in the 
					East was not yet defeated. The military turning point came 
					in the Battle of Kursk (5 July-23 August 1943). That summer, 
					the refurbished German Army attacked with the intention of 
					cutting off and destroying the large number of Soviet troops 
					stationed in in the Kursk salient (Unternehmen 
					Zitadelle—Operation CITADEL). In the greatest 
					tank battle of the war both sides suffered astronomically 
					high casualties and the Germans seemed on the brink of a 
					decisive breakthrough by mid-July. But on 12 July, Hitler 
					ordered his commanders to suspend the offensive. Two days 
					earlier US and UK forces had invaded Sicily and the 
					threat thus posed to Italy and southern France convinced the Führer that Zitadelle 
					had to be stopped so as to release 
					troops for 
					
					Italy. This set the stage 
					for a Red Army counterattack in the Kursk sector that 
					soon expanded into a full offensive. Having thus seized the 
					initiative on the Eastern Front, the Soviets were never to 
					relinquish it.
					
					
					After 
					Kursk the pressures of a multifront war squeezed Germany 
					more and more. The Italian Front absorbed some 25-35 
					divisions. More than 40 divisions were stationed in France 
					in anticipation of the now-inevitable Allied invasion. Many 
					more stood idle in occupied Denmark and Norway. The US/UK 
					Combined Bomber Offensive (Operation POINTBLANK), launched 
					in the spring of 1943, not only devastated urban Germany but 
					diverted major elements of the Luftwaffe from the Eastern 
					Front for the defense of the Reich. In addition to aircraft, 
					thousands of flak (antiaircraft) guns were required. By 1944 more 
					than 2,500 medium and heavy flak gun batteries (10,000 88mm and 128mm 
					guns) were defending Germany, each gun requiring a crew of a 
					dozen men and countless thousands of rounds of ammunition. All this 
					deprived the German Army on the Eastern Front of badly 
					needed manpower, firepower and air support.
			 
					
					
					
					German soldiers captured 
					by the British Army in Normandy, July 1944 (Imperial War 
					Museum)
					
					
					The break 
					came in the summer of 1944, when the German Army suffered 
					twin catastrophic defeats at the same time: in Normandy and 
					Byelorussia. The Allied invasion of France (Operation 
					OVERLORD) on 6 June 1944 and the subsequent Battle of 
					Normandy ended with the virtual annihilation of the German 
					Army in the West. Some 40 divisions were destroyed or so 
					battered as to be rendered combat ineffective, with 400,000 German troops killed, wounded or 
					taken prisoner. By the time the Allied advance stalled due to supply problems, US and British forces had 
					reached the western border of the Reich.
					
					
					The Red 
					Army’s 1944 summer offensive (Operation BAGRATION) opened on 
					23 June 1944 and by the time it had run its course, German 
					Army Group Center was smashed. Of its 34 divisions, 28 were 
					completely destroyed, with and 450,000 troops killed, 
					wounded or taken prisoner—a quarter of the German 
					Army on the Eastern Front. The Red Army’s advance liberated 
					almost all occupied Soviet territory and, in the north, 
					brought it close to the border of East Prussia. Though 
					Germany was to fight on for another eight months, with 
					OVERLORD and BAGRATION the Grand Alliance had effectively 
					won the war.
					
					Afterwards there were those in 
					Russia and elsewhere who minimized the Western Allies’ 
					contribution to that victory—claiming, as noted above, that 
					the aid provided to the USSR by the US and the UK was 
					grudging and tardy. That was Stalin’s refrain from 1941 to 
					1945. But the record is clear that in fact, aid was provided 
					immediately and unstintingly within the limitations imposed 
					by distance, available resources and enemy action—as shown 
					by the high casualties suffered by the Allies’ Arctic 
					convoys carrying aid to the Soviet port of Archangel. In July 1942, for example, convoy PQ 
					17 lost 24 out of 35 merchant ships to German U-boats and 
					air attacks. And the Persian Corridor, which became the main 
					conduit for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, was a gigantic, 
					complex logistical undertaking that involved thousands of 
					Allied troops and civilian workers.
					
					In retrospect it appears doubtful 
					that the 
					USSR, fighting alone or even in alliance with the UK, could 
					have defeated National Socialist Germany. What made the 
					difference was the addition of the United States, with its 
					incomparable productive capacity, to the Grand Alliance. 
					Winston Churchill certainly knew this. Upon hearing the news of the 
					Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor he breathed a sigh of 
					relief, remarking that victory was now inevitable.
					
					Stalin knew it too. Indeed, his 
					nagging doubts about the USSR’s ability to stand up to a 
					German attack dictated his policy between 1939 and 1941: 
					peace with Germany at any price, at least until the country 
					and the Red Army were ready for war. In 
					his memoirs, Nikita Khrushchev tells how in a private 
					conversation Stalin candidly admitted that without the help 
					of the Western Allies, the USSR would have lost the war. 
					Presumably, he knew what he was talking about.